18/06/2022
Stow Union Workhouse - Jane PARKER AKA WILLIAMS (my 2 x Grt Nana) & the legacy of the Victorian Workhouse.
Photo of Stow Union Workhouse (below). Stow Union Workhouse, located in the parish of Onehouse, just west of the market town of Stowmarket. Originally under Old Poor Law legislation i.e. up until 1834 when the New Poor Law or The Poor Law Amendment Act legislation was introduced. The Workhouse was erected & completed in 1781 at a cost of £12,000 (1), for the relief of the poor of Stow Hundred. A Hundred was a group of adjoining parishes or sub-division of a county for administration purposes. Probably so named as originally having contained either a hundred families, a hundred fighting men or a hundred hides (2). In this instance, Stow Hundred consisted of 14 parishes i.e. Wetherden, Shelland, Buxhall, Onehouse, Great Finborough, Little Finborough, Combs, Creeting St. Peter, Stow-Upland, Stowmarket, Gipping, Harleston, Haughley & Old Newton.
Prior to the Workhouse in Onehouse being erected, Stow Hundred and its surrounding area maintained and operated several individual parish workhouses. For example, the 1776 National Survey of Parish Workhouses listed the following parishes as having a workhouse - Combs (SH* & SU**); Drinkstone (SU**); Felsham (SU**); Gedding (SU**); Hessett (SU**); Old Newton (SH* & SU**); Rattlesden (SU**); Stowlangtoft (SU**); Stowmarket (SH* & SU**); Stowupland (SH* & SU**); Thurston (SU**); Tostock (SU**); Walsham-le-Willow (SU**); Wattisfield (SU**) and Woolpit (SU**) (3). However, in 1778, relief for the poor in the 14 parishes of Stow Hundred was established under a local act of parliament. A document approving the building of a common workhouse, was signed and dated 8th February 1779 (4), records the following:
‘New poor house of industry ….on a piece of land being in the parish of Onehouse’ (5)
This Workhouse, unlike the previous parish workhouses, was much larger in size. It had a stated capacity for 350 paupers (6). Stowmarket parish workhouse, in comparison and probably the largest of the above parish workhouses, had a stated capacity of 85 (7).
Under the Poor Law Amendment Act of 1834, local administration for the relief of the poor provided a new national standardised system across England & Wales, by the introduction of Poor Law Unions. Thus the Workhouse at Onehouse, previously the workhouse for the 14 parishes of Stow Hundred, became the Workhouse for Stow Union, comprising 34 parishes (SU **), (including some parishes of Stow Hundred). Stow Union, was further divided into the three sub-districts of Walsham-Le-Willow (11 parishes), Rattlesden (13 parishes) & Stowmarket (10 parishes). In addition to the standardisation of local poor relief, the 1834 Poor Law Amendment Act, was also remarkable in that the Act also reflected a social & political shift in attitude towards the relief of the poor & causes of poverty itself. In particular, the Act's underlining philosophy is largely attributed to political theorist Jeremy Bentham. Bentham’s theory hinged on his view of human nature. In essence, human action or behaviour is motivated by pleasure or the avoidance of pain. This principle was applied to the Poor Law Amendment Act in practice, by the ‘workhouse principle’ of ‘less eligibility’ in the workhouse (8 eight). That is, to discourage the poor from seeking relief, after 1834, only in-door relief in the workhouse was to be made available for able-bodied paupers and their families. Conditions in the workhouse, were also to be made worse than the conditions endured by those in employment outside the workhouse, to aid this deterrence (9). Although workhouses prior to 1834 were managed to strict rules and regulations (10), after 1834, it was the degree to which rules and regulations were applied - both physically and psychologically, which made the fundamental difference. Added to this, as noted above, there was also an apparent shift in the ruling classes views on the causes of poverty. As Englander states:
‘…the assumption behind the redefined poor law principles was that poverty was a voluntary and therefore reversible condition..’ (11).
The new poor law and in particular the workhouse ‘less eligibility’ principle was therefore largely designed for the able-bodied who allegedly refused or chose not to work (12). Based on this assumption of the able-bodied, every aspect of an ‘inmate’s’ existence in the workhouse, was regulated and subject to the principle of less eligibility. This included a highly disciplined prison like regime i.e. silence was to be observed at all times; inmates were not allowed personal possessions, including not being able to wear their own clothes; hard labour was performed and regulated throughout the day, with only mealtimes and bedtime separating the working day; diets and food was deliberately made monotonous (mainly consisting of bread and cheese) and even the amount each pauper received was regulated (13 & 14 & 15). Even the architecture of the Workhouses built after 1834 were deliberately constructed to cause psychological distress (16) .
Although regarding some aspects of the regime of the Workhouse after 1834, even convicted criminals it seems, were more deserving than the poor in the workhouse. For example, in 1842 The Times printed an article which alleged that the weekly average food intake of the in-house pauper, was around half the intake of a prisoner in jail (17). Although some contemporaries and historians alike, have pointed out that paupers were free to leave the workhouse at will (18), other historians have stressed that this right to discharge themselves, was one of the few differences between the workhouse and prison (19).
For the poor however, one of the worse aspects of the workhouse was that on entering, the pauper’s family was required to enter as well. In addition, paupers were then separated from their family as a result of the imposed system of classification and placed in different wards, in separate parts in the workhouse. Initially paupers were separated into seven categories; men infirm; able-bodied men over fifteen; boys between seven and fifteen; women infirm; able-bodied females over fifteen; girls between seven and fifteen and children under seven (20 & 21). In essence, the Victorian workhouse, fundamentally served to strip the pauper of any individualism, self-respect and dignity.
It is within the above extreme/austere context/conditions of the Workhouse after 1834, that my maternal 2 x Great Nana Jane PARKER AKA WILLIAMS b. 1860, Stowmarket, Suffolk (via my Nana Maud Ellen EASLEA's line), found herself. The 1911 Census reveals that she, along with her husband Frederick MAYHEW were both 'in-mates' of Stow Union Workhouse.
SH* - one of the 14 parishes included in Stow Hundred before 1834. See above for individual parishes.
SU** - one of the 34 parishes included in Stow Union after 1834. That is,
Sub-district of Rattlesden:
Tostock, Thurston, Beyton, Hessett, Drinkstone, Woolpit, Wetherden, Shellans, Rattlesden, Gedding, Felsham, Buxhall & Onehouse;
Sub-disstrict of Walsham-Le-Willow::
Hinderclay, Rickinghall Inferior, Wattisfield, Walsham-Le-Willow, Badwelll Ash, Great Ashfield, Langham, Stowlangtoft, Norton & Elmswell;
Sub-district of Stowmarket:
Great Finborough, Little Finborough, Combs, Creeting St. Peter, Stow-Upland, Stowmarket, Gipping, Harleston, Haughley, & Old Newton.
BIBLIOGRAPHY/REFERENCES
1. White, William (1844) History, Gazetteer & Directory of Suffolk. Sheffield: Leader. p.265
2. Fitzhugh, Terrick V. H. (1991) The Dictionary of Genealogy. 3rd ed. London: A & C Black. p. 143
3. Whitehead, Ray (2007) At The overseers Door: The Story of Suffolk’s Parish Workhouses. Suffolk: The Historical Suffolk Publishing. pp.84-90
4. Abbott, Ken (1989) We are born, we live – we die: The Stow Lodge Story. Poole: Castle Publications. p.7
5. Ibid., p.7
6. Historical Suffolk Research Service. Available online: http://www.historicalsuffolk.com/. Last accessed 15 June 2011.
7.Whitehead, Ray (2007) At The overseers Door: The Story of Suffolk’s Parish Workhouses. Suffolk: The Historical Suffolk Publishing. p.89
8. May, Trevor (2009) The Victorian Workhouse. Oxford: Shire Publications Limited. p.8
9. Englander, David (1998) Poverty and Poor Law Reform in 19th Century Britain, 1834-1914. London: Longman. pp.11-12
10. Higginbotham, Peter (2008) The Workhouse Cookbook. Stroud, Gloucestershire: The History Press. p.26
11. Englander, David (1998) Poverty and Poor Law Reform in 19th Century Britain, 1834-1914. London: Longman. p.12
12. Fowler, Simon (2009) WORKHOUSE – The People, The Places, The Life Behind Doors. Richmond, Surrey: The National Archives. p.14
13. Rose, Michael E. (1971) The English Poor Law 1780-1930. Devon: David & Charles Limited. p.160
14. Englander, David (1998) Poverty and Poor Law Reform in 19th Century Britain, 1834-1914. London: Longman
15. Higginbotham, Peter (2008) The Workhouse Cookbook. Stroud, Gloucestershire: The History Press. pp.51-58
16. Fowler, Simon (2009) WORKHOUSE – The People, The Places, The Life Behind Doors. Richmond, Surrey: The National Archives. p.49
17. May, Trevor (2009) The Victorian Workhouse. Oxford: Shire Publications Limited. p.24
18. Roberts, David (1963) How Cruel was The Victorian Poor Law? The Historical Journal. 6 (1). pp. 97-107. Available online: http://www.jstor.org.proxy.lib.strath.ac.uk/ Last accessed 10 June 2011. p.104
19. Fowler, Simon (2009) WORKHOUSE – The People, The Places, The Life Behind Doors. Richmond, Surrey: The National Archives. p.130
20. Englander, David (1998) Poverty and Poor Law Reform in 19th Century Britain, 1834-1914. London: Longman. pp.13,32
21. Fowler, Simon (2009) WORKHOUSE – The People, The Places, The Life Behind Doors. Richmond, Surrey: The National Archives. pp.123-124
N.B. Most of the information above, has been taken from my short research piece, undertaken as part of my Postgraduate professional qualification in Genealogical Studies, titled - ‘INMATES’ OF STOW UNION WORKHOUSE : Relief or Punishment? Anyone interested in reading more about Stow Union Workhouse, can access this via this FB page – via the Notes tab.