La Main du Roi - Chypre

02/11/2026

When Cyprus Almost Inherited Athens (and not the opposite !!)

The story of Eschive of Ibelin.

In 1308, a Cypriot descendant of Othon de la Roche claimed the Duchy of Athens. She was also the mother of the future King Hugh IV of Cyprus.

Imagine for a moment: in the fourteenth century, the Lusignan dynasty could have ruled not only Cyprus, but Athens as well!

This is not pure fantasy. In 1308, a dynastic succession placed a princess connected to the royal family of Cyprus at the centre of a claim to the Duchy of Athens.
It all began with Othon de la Roche, a lord from Franche-Comté who, following the Fourth Crusade, became one of the leading Frankish rulers in Greece. Him and his descendants would become Dukes of Athens. (The famous medieval tower of Acropolis was build by Othon).

His son, Guy I de la Roche, succeeded him. Among Guy's children were two daughters: Alice, the elder, and Isabelle, her younger sister.

Alice de la Roche married John II of Ibelin, Lord of Beirut , Noble familly established in Cyprus. (not to be confused with his illustrious ancestor, John I of Ibelin, the famous “Old Lord of Beirut”)

Their daughter was Eschiva of Ibelin. Through her mother, she was a direct descendant of Othon de la Roche and her grand father Guy I , and possessed hereditary rights to the family's legacy.
Eschiva later married Guy of Lusignan, Constable of Cyprus and younger brother of King Henry II. Their son Hugh would become King Hugh IV of Cyprus in 1324, as Henry II died without heirs.
But this family story has a particularly dramatic chapter. In 1303, Guy of Lusignan was executed on the orders of his own brother, King Henry II, after being implicated in a conspiracy against the king. Eschiva was left a widow, while their young son remained in the Lusignan dynasty.

Five years later, she would make a claim that could have changed the history of Cyprus and Athens.

A disputed succession

In 1308, Guy II de la Roche, Duke of Athens, died without leaving any children.
Two claimants came forward: Eschiva of Ibelin, through her mother Alice, and Walter of Brienne, better known as Gautier V de Brienne, son of Isabelle de la Roche, Alice's younger sister.

Eschiva had an important argument in her favour: her mother Alice was the elder of the two sisters. She therefore believed that her claim to the duchy was stronger than that of her cousin Gautier.
She travelled to Greece to defend her rights before the High Court of the Principality of Achaea, which assembled at Glarentza.
But in 1309, the court ruled in Gautier's favour. Political and military considerations appear to have played an important role. Gautier was a powerful lord and an experienced military commander, whereas Eschiva was a woman and a widow.

The decision went against her, even if she was in first position of right of succession.

According to a later historical tradition, Eschiva then went before the altar of the Virgin Mary in the Church of St Francis at Glarentza. There, she prayed that her judges and her rival might die without descendants if the judgement against her had been unjust.
Defeated, she returned to Cyprus, where she rejoined her family. She would die there in 1312.

Fate had a surprise in store

Gautier became Duke of Athens, but his reign would be short-lived.
On 15 March 1311, he faced the Catalan Company at the Battle of Halmyros, in Boeotia. His army was crushed, and Gautier himself was killed alongside much of the Frankish nobility.
The Catalans seized the duchy, bringing the rule of the House of de la Roche to an end.

Eschiva had lost her claim to the inheritance of her ancestors. Her rival, meanwhile, had died on the battlefield barely two years after the judgement that had favoured him.

What if the judgement had been different?

This is where the story takes on extraordinary significance for Cyprus.
Had Eschiva won the duchy, she could potentially have passed her rights on to her children. Her son Hugh, who would become King of Cyprus fifteen years later.
The Lusignan dynasty might therefore have acquired hereditary rights to Athens, opening the possibility of a dynastic union between the two territories.

This would not automatically have made the duchy a possession of the Kingdom of Cyprus. Athens was a fief of the Principality of Achaea, under Angevin overlordship. Any such inheritance would have involved complex feudal obligations and political negotiations.
Nevertheless, the implications could have been considerable.

A lord from Franche-Comté had founded a dynasty in Athens. His son Guy I had two daughters, Alice and Isabelle (and one son Guillaume I, father of Guy II) . Alice's daughter Eschiva had married a Lusignan prince, a prince who was himself executed by his own brother, the King of Cyprus.
And in 1308, this extraordinary chain of marriages, inheritances and family rivalries could have brought Athens into the dynastic orbit of the Lusignan kings across her son who became the next King.

Could Athens have become a Lusignan inheritance?

History took a different course. But for a brief moment, the possibility was very real.

01/11/2026

HUGUES III DE LUSIGNAN : LE ROI-CHEVALIER FRANÇAIS QUI TENTA DE SAUVER JÉRUSALEM ET LES DERNIERS ROYAUMES CROISÉS

Au XIIIe siècle, tandis que les dernières possessions chrétiennes de Terre sainte vacillent sous les offensives des Mamelouks, un souverain issu d'une grande lignée aristocratique d'origine poitevine tente de préserver ce qui reste de l'héritage des croisades. Son nom : Hugues III de Lusignan, roi de Chypre de 1267 à 1284 et roi titulaire de Jérusalem à partir de 1268, couronné à Tyr en 1269. Né vers 1235, il appartient à une dynastie dont les destinées se sont étendues du Poitou jusqu'aux rivages de la Méditerranée orientale. À une époque où la chevalerie demeure l'un des fondements du pouvoir aristocratique, Hugues incarne une royauté guerrière, mais aussi une monarchie confrontée à des rivalités féodales, à des ambitions concurrentes et à une situation militaire de plus en plus désespérée. Car porter la couronne de Jérusalem ne signifie plus régner sur la Ville sainte, reconquise par les musulmans depuis 1244 : cela signifie tenter de défendre les dernières places fortes franques du littoral.

Son accession au pouvoir intervient dans une période de bouleversements considérables. En 1267, à la mort du jeune Hugues II, il devient roi de Chypre, une île qui constitue alors la principale base politique, économique et militaire des États latins d'Orient. L'année suivante, la disparition de Conradin, héritier de la couronne de Jérusalem, ouvre une succession disputée. Hugues fait reconnaître ses droits et reçoit la couronne en 1269. Mais son autorité demeure fragile. Les barons du royaume, les grandes familles seigneuriales, les ordres militaires et les puissantes communes marchandes italiennes défendent jalousement leurs privilèges. À Acre, principale cité franque de Terre sainte, les divisions politiques compliquent encore davantage l'organisation d'une défense commune. Le souverain doit gouverner deux royaumes séparés par la mer, tout en affrontant une aristocratie parfois réticente à lui fournir les hommes et les ressources nécessaires.

Face à lui se dresse l'une des plus redoutables puissances militaires du Moyen Âge : le sultanat mamelouk d'Égypte et de Syrie. Sous le règne de Baybars, les places fortes franques tombent les unes après les autres. Césarée et Arsouf sont prises en 1265, Safed en 1266, puis Antioche, l'une des plus anciennes principautés croisées, est conquise en 1268. Cette dernière victoire constitue un désastre majeur pour la présence latine en Orient. Hugues III cherche à renforcer la résistance, mais ses initiatives se heurtent aux dissensions internes et à la faiblesse des moyens disponibles. En 1276, profondément découragé par l'opposition rencontrée à Acre, il se retire à Chypre. Son autorité sur le royaume de Jérusalem est ensuite contestée par Charles Ier d'Anjou, qui acquiert les prétentions de Marie d'Antioche et fait reconnaître son représentant à Acre en 1277. Derrière les armoiries, les serments et les idéaux chevaleresques, la lutte pour la survie des États croisés est aussi une guerre de légitimité, d'intérêts et de pouvoir.

Hugues III ne renonce pourtant pas à ses ambitions. En 1283, il entreprend une nouvelle expédition vers le continent afin de réaffirmer son autorité, notamment à Tyr. Il meurt dans cette ville le 24 mars 1284, sans avoir réussi à rétablir durablement son pouvoir sur les territoires francs. Son fils Jean Ier lui succède à Chypre, tandis que la dynastie des Lusignan conserve une place essentielle dans l'histoire de la Méditerranée orientale. Sept ans plus t**d, en 1291, la chute d'Acre marque la disparition du dernier grand bastion du royaume latin de Jérusalem sur le continent. L'histoire de Hugues III révèle ainsi les limites de l'idéal chevaleresque face aux réalités géopolitiques du XIIIe siècle : le courage individuel et la légitimité dynastique ne suffisent plus lorsque les divisions internes affaiblissent un ensemble de principautés menacées par une puissance militaire supérieure. Son règne demeure celui d'un souverain qui tenta de défendre un monde dont l'effondrement était déjà largement engagé.

Source de l'illustration : D'après une miniature contemporaine représentant Hugues III de Lusignan, roi de Chypre et de Jérusalem. Figurine réalisée à partir d'un modèle Pegaso Models, à l'échelle 1/32. Photographie et présentation : Lex Ingvar.

31/10/2026

Saint Theodore: The Lost Cistercian Nunnery of Medieval Nicosia (under the supreme law court of Nicosia).

Among the many lost monuments of the Lusignan Kingdom of Cyprus, the Cistercian nunnery of Saint Theodore occupies a particularly fascinating place. For more than three centuries, this religious establishment was home to a community of Cistercian nuns and formed part of the rich religious and aristocratic landscape of medieval Nicosia.

A foundation by the House of Montbéliard and Ibelin

The foundation of the abbey is traditionally attributed to Alice de Montbéliard, wife of Philip of Ibelin, Regent and Bailli of Cyprus during the minority of King Henry I of Lusignan, and sister of Walter of Montbéliard, the previous régent for Hugues I of Lusignan.
In 1243, Alice founded the convent for her daughter, Marie of Ibelin, who was intended to become its first abbess, after had already financed the first Dominican monastery in the same area (not found yet) in 1226. This foundation reflected the close connections between the great aristocratic families of the Lusignan Kingdom and the religious institutions they supported.
Interestingly, archaeological evidence from the site suggests that the monastic establishment was already active around 1230, approximately thirteen years before its traditionally recorded foundation. This earlier archaeological evidence raises interesting questions about the origins and development of the convent.

Gardens, agricultural estates and economic resources

Saint Theodore was far more than a simple religious house. It possessed agricultural resources both within and outside the walls of medieval Nicosia.
The Italian pilgrim Niccolò Martoni, who visited Cyprus in 1394–1395, specifically mentioned the gardens of Saint Theodore situated within the city. He described extensive cultivated gardens and fruit-producing land, covering approximately twenty modia, equivalent to nearly two hectares according to modern estimates.
Beyond Nicosia, the convent also possessed rural properties, including estates at Pharmakas and Malounda, as well as other agricultural holdings. These properties formed an important part of the economic resources supporting the religious community.
The abbey's wealth and landholdings demonstrate that its influence extended well beyond the spiritual life of its nuns.

Saint Theodore and the neighbouring Abbey of Beaulieu (both Cistercian order)

Saint Theodore was not the only Cistercian establishment in medieval Nicosia. The city was also home to the male Abbey of Saint Mary of Beaulieu, another important religious institution.
Remarkably, the archaeological remains of Beaulieu were identified in the area of the present Department of Town Planning and Housing, already studied by Camille Enlart more than one century ago in 1901, and less than 100 metres east of the excavated nunnery of Saint Theodore. (They thought first it was the famous great st dominic, then in 1908 thought it was franciscan monastery then, modern study discover it was a franciscan convent sell really quickly to cistercian order who made the abbay of Beaulieu)
The two establishments therefore occupied neighbouring areas of medieval Nicosia, one housing a community of Cistercian women and the other a community of Cistercian men.
Their respective ecclesiastical taxation provides an indication of their different economic standing. In 1357, Saint Theodore was assessed at 50 bezants, compared with 325 bezants for Beaulieu. In 1371, the corresponding figures were 300 and 1,950 bezants.
These assessments represent ecclesiastical taxation rather than the entirety of their income, but they nevertheless reveal the considerable difference in their financial resources.
Together, the two monasteries formed an important part of the Cistercian presence in the Lusignan capital.

The tomb of an abbess: Plaisance de Giblet

Among the most remarkable archaeological discoveries at Saint Theodore was the funerary slab of Plaisance de Giblet, an abbess of the convent who died on 10 February 1328.
Her engraved funerary representation and inscription provide a rare and deeply personal connection with one of the women who once governed this religious community.
The discovery is particularly significant because it gives us a tangible link to the aristocratic women who occupied positions of authority within the religious institutions of Lusignan Cyprus.

The archaeological rediscovery

The abbey was rediscovered in 2004 during construction work for the new Supreme Court complex in Nicosia. Archaeological rescue excavations conducted in 2004–2005 uncovered approximately 800 square metres of the monastery.
The excavations revealed architectural remains and an extraordinary collection of archaeological material, offering insight into the daily life of the nuns, their diet, domestic activities, economic resources and commercial connections.
Studies of animal remains and ceramics have helped reconstruct aspects of life within the convent over several centuries.
Although only part of the original complex was excavated, these discoveries have made Saint Theodore one of the most important archaeologically documented Cistercian nunneries in the medieval Eastern Mediterranean.

The end of a medieval institution

The monastery eventually disappeared during the dramatic transformation of Nicosia in 1567, when the Venetians demolished buildings outside the new defensive circuit in preparation for the Ottoman siege.
Today, some of the archaeological remains of Saint Theodore have been preserved beneath glass panels within the modern Supreme Court complex.
Just a short distance away, the remains associated with the male Abbey of Beaulieu recall another chapter of the same Cistercian history.
Two neighbouring monasteries, one for women and one for men, once formed part of the religious landscape of medieval Nicosia.
Their rediscovery offers a remarkable opportunity to reconnect with a largely forgotten chapter of the Lusignan Kingdom.

Below, I am sharing the complete video presenting this archaeological site.

A British Archaeological Association lecture entitled: ‘CoNUNdrum: ...

29/10/2026

Saint Dominic of Nicosia: The Lost Great Dominican Monastery and Royal cementary of the Lusignans

Bellapais has preserved its Gothic vaults, arcades and cloisters. In Nicosia, however, a religious complex of exceptional importance has almost entirely disappeared: the Dominican monastery of Saint Dominic, closely associated with the Lusignan royal palace and eventually transformed into the dynasty’s principal burial place.
To understand its history, we must distinguish between two successive establishments.

The first Saint Dominic: a monastery outside the city

The first Dominican monastery in Nicosia was probably founded around 1226. Its foundation was due to Alice of Montbéliard/Montfaucon, wife of Philip of Ibelin, regent and bailli of the Kingdom of Cyprus for Henry I. This first establishment stood west of the medieval city, probably near Alice’s other foundation, the Cistercian nunnery of Saint Theodore.
The monastery was already active by the middle of the thirteenth century. The Dominicans received bequests, established a school and participated in the religious life of the capital. Yet their distance from Nicosia eventually became a serious disadvantage.
On 27 February 1308, Pope Clement V authorized the transfer of the community. The new land was granted by Amaury of Lusignan, Lord of Tyre, brother of King Henry II. Amaury had seized power in Cyprus in 1306 and ruled in his brother’s name before Henry II regained control in 1310. The papal authorization explained that the original convent stood too far from Nicosia, hindering the friars’ preaching and pastoral work. The move thus marked the beginning of a new chapter in the history of Saint Dominic: the establishment that would become one of the kingdom’s most important religious foundations and the principal dynastic burial place of the Lusignans.
The first Saint Dominic should not automatically be identified with the great monumental complex later associated with the royal palace. The precise location of the original monastery remains uncertain, (Some researchers have tentatively located the original monastery on, or north of, the present-day Armenian Cemetery, close to Ledra Palace, although its exact position remains uncertain) and the attribution of individual burials to this first establishment requires particular caution. Some earlier scholars had incorrectly assigned some pre-1300 burials to Saint Dominic. However, if Jean d’Ibelin, the famous Old Lord of Beirut, who won the war against the imperialists (1228-1233) and died in 1266, and Amaury de Montfort, who died in 1305, are considered to have been buried at Saint Dominic, their burials should be attributed to the first establishment. However, this is highly uncertain in the case of Amaury de Montfort, who is said to have been buried first in the Latin cathedral before being exhumed and transferred to the chapter house of Saint Dominic. The question remains whether this transfer took place before or after the Dominican community moved to its new site.

The Second and Great Saint Dominic: beside the royal palace

After 1308, the Dominicans occupied a new site. The second monastery stood beside the Lusignan royal palace (the second one for them, too), probably just south of the present-day Paphos Gate, across a branch of the seasonal River Pedieos. During the reign of Peter II, between 1369 and 1382, the palace and monastery became integrated into a single complex of the citadel Kasteliotissa, with the River Pedieos flowing along the foot of its northern wall and the San Domenico Bridge crossing the river.
The new Saint Dominic became one of Nicosia’s most important monuments. The king and queen had apartments and galleries from which they could attend religious services inside the church which contained a private tribune for the royal family. The convent was simultaneously a place of worship, a centre of intellectual life and a prestigious setting for royal representation.
Surviving descriptions allow us to reconstruct some of its features. When the Italian notary Nicola de Martoni visited Nicosia in 1394, he described the Dominican, Franciscan (which has also disappeared , although it s stood on the site of present-day latin church of the Holy Cross) and Augustinian (St Mary of the Augustinians , partly dismantled but its church transformed into the Omeriye mosque) convents of Nicosia as very large and beautiful establishments. Each had two cloisters, one large and one small, planted with orange trees and other fruit trees. (Bellapais , by contrast, has one cloister and a forecourt !)
In 1483, the Dominican traveller Felix Fabri described St Dominic with marble arcades and spacious dormitories. Étienne de Lusignan, who had known Saint Dominic before its destruction, also described its cloisters, communal spaces and conventual buildings. The two cloisters had marble pillars, while the refectory and one of the dormitories were paved with marble. The complex also included a sacristy, a chapterhouse, cells, a hospital, gardens and orchards.
Étienne de Lusignan claimed that the convent had housed as many as eighty friars at the height of its prosperity.

A royal necropolis for the Lusignans

Saint Dominic’s transformation into a royal burial place became particularly important under Hugh IV, who died in 1359. From his death onwards, the convent became the preferred burial place of the Lusignan monarchs and many members of the royal family. Historians have sometimes compared it with the Abbey of Saint-Denis in France, the traditional necropolis of the French kings. The comparison concerns principally its dynastic role.
The study by Brunehilde Imhaus, cited by Kaoulla and Schabel, provides a proposed plan of the convent’s tombs and a list of its major burials. The researchers count twenty-four major tombs between the death of Hugh IV in 1359 and that of John II in 1458.
Among the members of the royal family associated with this necropolis were:
•Hugh IV of Lusignan, who died in 1359. An older description places his tomb near the threshold leading to the cloister.
•Alice of Ibelin, Hugh IV’s queen, who died after 1386 and was buried at Saint Dominic.
•Peter I of Lusignan, Hugh IV’s son and king of Cyprus, who was murdered in 1369 and buried at the monastery.
•Peter II of Lusignan, known as Peter the Fat, who died in 1382 and was also buried there.
•James I of Lusignan, who died in 1398 and was buried at Saint Dominic.
•Helvis Brunswick-Grubenhagen, James I’s queen, who died in 1421 or 1422 and was buried with him.
•Charlotte of Bourbon-La Marche, queen of Janus I , who died in 1422 and was buried at the monastery.
•Janus I of Lusignan, who died in 1432 and was buried at Saint Dominic.
•Helena Palaiologina, Queen of Cyprus (d. 1458), was also buried at Saint Dominic, reportedly in a secret location within the monastery.
•John II, king of Cyprus (d.1458), was even also present and died inside the monastery, and then buried here.
These names are part of the traditional reconstruction of the royal necropolis. The precise position of each grave is not equally well documented, and it would be misleading to assign an exact place within the church without a specific supporting testimony.

Other high-ranking figures were also buried at Saint Dominic. Giovanni dei Conti, archbishop of Nicosia, who died in 1332, had chosen to be buried in the middle of the choir, near the high altar. His burial is particularly well documented in the scholarly literature.
Other ecclesiastical and noble burials have been reported. (Raymond de Pins, papal legate, d. 1311; Isabella of Ibelin, d. 1315; Hugh of Lusignan, Prince of Galilee, nephew of King Peter I, d. 1386; Philip of Brunswick, father-in-law of king James I, date of death uncertain.)

A Royal Epitaph Preserved in the Written Record

One of the most remarkable traces of Saint Dominic is the epitaph of Janus I. Florio Bustron transcribed the inscription in his Historia di Cipro, written around 1560, before the convent was destroyed. The stone itself has since disappeared, but its text survives in the chronicle.

EPITAPH OF JANUS I, KING OF CYPRUS
Latin text, transcribed by Florio Bustron
1432, die 29 mensis Junii, cuius anima requiescat in pace. Hic situs est Janus, qui Ciprum rexit amenam,Traiano similis integritate fuit;Caesar erat bello, superans gravitate Catonem,nobilibus fuerat portus et aura viris. Ut Deus in terris, decimo castissimus anno vixit, et in populis gratior ipse Deo. Sanctior his cunctis, et sanguine clarior extat. Umbra polum celebrat, detinet ossa lapis.
ENGLISH TRANSLATION
On 29 June 1432. May his soul rest in peace. Here lies Janus, who ruled over lovely Cyprus; in integrity, he was like Trajan. In war, he was Caesar, surpassing Cato in gravity; he was a refuge and a comfort to noble men. Like a god on earth, most chaste in his tenth year, he lived, and among his people was dearer even to God. He stands above all in holiness and shines brighter in lineage. His shadow honours the heavens; the stone holds his bones.

Dated 29 June 1432, the inscription explicitly identifies the place as the king’s burial site. This inscription is particularly valuable because it does more than establish the existence of a royal tomb. It also reveals how the monarchy wished to preserve the memory of its rulers.

Relics and the destruction of 1567

Saint Dominic was not simply a royal mausoleum. Pilgrims’ accounts also record relics preserved within the convent. An anonymous pilgrim who visited in 1520 reported that relics of Saint Blaise had been found inside a casket placed within one of the church walls.
Étienne de Lusignan, meanwhile, reported that relics were discovered beneath the altar of Saint Eulalia during the demolition. He mentioned several heads, bones, a silk garment, two arrows and a sword stained with blood. These are the objects described by the witness; their modern identification cannot be independently established from that account alone. Where are they today?

In 1567, the Venetians demolished the convent and the neighbouring royal palace to make way for Nicosia’s new fortifications, which enclosed a considerably smaller area. With the buildings went most of the visible evidence of the complex and its tombs. Three years later, Nicosia fell to the Ottomans.
The destruction of Saint Dominic was a major loss for the history of Cyprus. Ancient descriptions allow us to glimpse its cloisters, marble arcades, gardens, royal apartments and church filled with tombs. Yet the exact location of the first convent, the distribution of certain graves and the attribution of some early burials remain open questions.

We cannot claim that Saint Dominic was larger or more beautiful than Bellapais. We can, however, establish that it was one of the principal religious and dynastic centres of the Lusignan kingdom.
Bellapais shows us what the Lusignan kingdom has left behind. Saint Dominic reminds us of what it has lost.

Principal sources
Étienne de Lusignan, Description de toute l’isle de Cypre, Paris, 1580: foundation, buildings, gardens, burials and destruction of the convent.
Nicola de Martoni, account of his journey to Cyprus in 1394: descriptions of Nicosia’s convents and their cloisters.
Felix Fabri, pilgrimage account, 1483: descriptions of the Dominican buildings.
Florio Bustron, Historia di Cipro, c. 1560, pp. 370–371: transcription of the epitaph of Janus I.
Brunehilde Imhaus, “La mort dans la société franque de Chypre,” Epetēris tou Kentrou Epistēmonikōn Ereunōn, 24, 1998, pp. 1–75, especially pp. 39 and 67–75: proposed plan and list of burials.
Christina Kaoulla and Christopher Schabel, “The Inquisition against Peter de Castro, Vicar of the Dominican Province of the Holy Land, in Nicosia, Cyprus, 1330,” Archivum Fratrum Praedicatorum, 77, 2007, pp. 121–198: transfer of the convent, conventual life and royal necropolis.
Camille Enlart, “Note sur une nouvelle découverte de monuments gothiques à Nicosie de Chypre,” Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 45, 1901, pp. 160–163: earlier descriptions and proposed locations, to be checked against later research.
Panos Leventis, Twelve Times in Nicosia: Nicosia, Cyprus, 1192–1570, 2005: historical topography of Nicosia.
Anthi Andronikou, Italy, Cyprus, and Artistic Exchange in the Medieval Mediterranean, Cambridge University Press, 2022.

Photos AI made with the help of contenpory chronicle description

22/10/2026

Semi domestication du pigeon à Chypre, expliqué par Nota Bene.

22/10/2026

CYPRUS AND THE PIGEON (the oldest world semi domestication traces we found) : A BRONZE AGE STORY REVEALED 🕊️

Did you know that Cyprus may hold some of the earliest evidence of the domestication of the common pigeon?

A remarkable new study by researchers including scholars from the University of Groningen has shed light on the relationship between humans and pigeons at At Dromolaxia-Vyzakia, the archaeological site commonly known as Hala Sultan Tekke today, a thriving harbour city on the southern coast of Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age who will slowly evolve from a lagune to a salt lake.
By analysing pigeon bones recovered from the site, researchers found that these birds, around 1400 BC, had diets remarkably similar to those of the people living there. This suggests that pigeons were being fed by humans, or living in such close proximity to them that their relationship was already moving towards domestication.
But the evidence goes further than diet alone.
Bones belonging to young pigeons indicate that these birds were breeding within the settlement itself, probably nesting in and around its buildings. Their presence suggests that the city offered them a suitable habitat, bringing them into close contact with its inhabitants.
Other pigeon bones showed signs of exposure to fire, suggesting that the birds were being consumed. Even more intriguingly, pigeon remains were found alongside the bones of other animals in a context associated with an altar and ritual feasting. Pigeons may therefore have served not only as a source of food, but also played a role in ritual practices.
Taken together, these discoveries suggest something remarkable: pigeons were not simply passing visitors. They were living and breeding within the ancient city, while its inhabitants were making use of the opportunities this close relationship provided.
Does this mean that the people of Hala Sultan Tekke deliberately domesticated pigeons?
Not necessarily. The evidence cannot establish that they actively bred or controlled them. One possibility is that the process began with the birds themselves, attracted by food and nesting places in the human settlement. The inhabitants may then have gradually exploited this proximity, turning an initially opportunistic relationship into one that increasingly benefited them.
Until now, some of the earliest direct archaeological evidence for domesticated pigeons came from Hellenistic Greece, almost a thousand years later. The Cypriot evidence therefore pushes this story much further back in time.
Yet there is something fascinating about this discovery. Cyprus is already famous for the exceptionally early evidence of the relationship between humans and cats at Shillourokambos, dating back to the Neolithic period, around 7500 BC.
Now, thousands of years later, another familiar animal is revealing a much older connection with the island's inhabitants.
From the Neolithic cat to the Bronze Age pigeon, Cyprus continues to contribute remarkable evidence to our understanding of the long and complex relationship between humans and animals.

Sources:
Carter, A. L. et al. (2026). Uncovering the lives of rock doves (Columba livia) in Late Bronze Age Hala Sultan Tekke, Cyprus. Antiquity, 100(412), 979–995.
https://doi.org/10.15184/aqy.2026.10351
University of Groningen research portal: https://research.rug.nl/en/publications/uncovering-the-lives-of-rock-doves-columba-livia-in-late-bronze-a/